Humane Testimonie

As for humane proofes, it is so large a field, as in a discourse of this nature and brevitie, it is fit rather to use choise of those things, which we shall produce, than to embrace the variety of them. First therfore in the degrees of humane honour amongst the heathen, it was the highest, to obtain to a veneration & adoration as a God. This unto the Christians is as the forbidden fruit. But we speake now separately of humane testimonie; according to which, that which the Grecians call Apotheosis, and the Latines, Relatio inter dives, was the supreame honour, which man could attribute unto man; specially when it was given, not by a formall Decree or Act of State, as it was used amongst the Romane Emperours; but by an inward assent and beleefe; which honour being so high, had also a degree or middle tearme: for there were reckoned above humane honours, honour heroycall and divine: In the attribution, and distribution of which honours; wee see Antiquitie made this difference: that whereas founders and uniters of States and Cities, Law-givers, extirpers of Tyrants, Fathers of the people, and other eminent persons in civile merite, were honoured but with the titles of Worthies or Demy-Gods: such as were Hercules, Theseus, Minos, Romulus, and the like: on the other side, such as were Inventors and Authors of new Arts, endowments, and commodities towards mans life, were ever consecrated amongst the Gods themselves, as was Ceres, Bacchus, Mercurius, Apollo, and others, and justly: for the merit of the former is confined within the circle of an age, or a nation: and is like fruitfull showers, which though they be profitable and good: yet serve but for that season, and for a latitude of ground where they fall: But the other is indeed like the benefits of Heaven, which are permanent and universall. The former againe is mixt with strife and perturbation; but the later hath the true Caracter of divine presence comin aura leni, without noise or agitation:

Neither is certainely that other merite of learning, in repressing the inconveniences which grow from man to man; much inferiour to the former, of relieving the necessities which arise from nature; which merite was lively set forth by the Ancients in that fayned relation of Orpheus Theater; where all beasts and birds assembled ; and forgetting their severall appetites; some of pray, some of game, some of quarrell, stood all sociably together listening unto the ayres and accords of the Harpe; the sound whereof no sooner ceased, or was drowned by some lowder noyse; but everie beast returned to his owne nature; wherein is aptly described the nature and condition of men; who are full of savage and unreclaymed desires; of profite, of lust, of revenge; which as long as they give eare to precepts, to lawes, to religion, sweetely touched with eloquence and perswasion of Bookes, of Sermons, of haranges; so long is societie and peace maintained; but if these instruments bee silent; or that sedition and tumult make them not audible; all thinges dissolve into Anarchie and Confusion.

But this appeareth more manifestle, when Kings themselves, or persons of authoritie under them or other Governours in common wealthes, and popular Estates, are endued with Learning. For although he might be thought partiall to his owne profession, that sayd, Then should people and estates be happie, when either Kings were Philosophers, or Philosophers Kings: yet so much is verified by experience; that under learned Princes and Governours, there have been ever the best times; for howsoever Kinges may have their imperfections in their passions and Customes; yet if they be illuminate by learning, they have those Notions of Religion, policie, and moralitie; which doe preserve them, and refraine them from all ruinous and peremptory errors & excesses; whispering evermore in their eares, when Counsellors and servants stand mute, and silent; and Senators, or Counsellours likewise, which bee learned, doe proceede upon more safe and substantiall principles; then Counsellors which are onely men of experience; the one sort keeping dangers a farre off; whereas the other discover them not, till they come neere hand: and then trust to the agilitie of their wit, to ward or avoide them.

Which felicitie of times, under learned Princes, (to keepe still the Lawe of brevitie, by using the most eminent and selected examples) doth best appeare in the age, which passed from the death of Domitianus the Emperour, untill the raigne of Commodus: comprehending a succession of sixe Sciences, all learned or singuler favourers and Advancers of learning: which age for temporall respects, was the most happie and flourishing, that ever the Romane Empire, (which then was a modele of the world) enjoyed: a matter revealed and prefigured unto Domitian in a Dreame, the night before he was slaine; for hee thought there was growne behinde upon his shoulders, a necke and a head of gould, which came accordingly to passe, in those golden times which succeeded; of which Princes, we will make some commemoration: wherein although the matter will bee vulgar, and may be thought fitter for a Declamation, then agreeable to a Treatise infolded as this is; yet because it is pertinent to the point in hand, Neque semper arcum tendit Apollo, & to name them onely were too naked and cursorie, I will not omit it altogether. The first was Nerva, the excellent temper of whose governement, is by a glaunce in Cornelius Tacitus touched to the life: Postquam divus Nerva res olim insociabiles miscuisset, imperium & libertatem: And in token of his learning, the last Act of his short raigne left to memorie, was a missive to his adopted sonne Trajan, proceeding upon some inward discontent, at the ingratitude of the times, comprehended in a verse of Homers,

Trajan, who succeeded, was for his person not learned: But if wee will hearken to the speech of our Saviour, that sayth, Hee that receiveth a Prophet in the name of a Prophet, shall have a Prophets reward, hee deserveth to bee placed amongest the most learned Princes: for there was not a greater admirer of learning or Benefactor of Learning, a founder of famous Libraries, a perpetuall Advancer of learned men to office, and a familiar converser with learned Professors and Preceptors, who were noted to have then most credite in Court. On the other side, how much Traians vertue and governement was admired & renowned, surely no testimonie of grave and faithfull History doth more lively set forth, than that legend tale of Gregorius Magnus, Bishop of Rome, who was noted for the extream envy he bare towards all Heathen excellencie: and yet he is reported out of the love and estimation of Traians morall vertues, to have made unto God, passionate and fervent prayers, for the deliverie of his soule out of Hell: and to have obtained it with a Caveat that he should make no more such petitions. In this Princes time also, the persecutions against the Christians received intermission, upon the certificate of Plin us secundus, a man of excellent learning, and by Trajan advanced.

Adrion his successor, was the most curious man that lived, and the most universal enquirer: insomuch as it was noted for an errour in his mind: that he desired to comprehend all thinges, and not to reserve himselfe for the worthyest thinges, falling into the like humour that was long before noted in Phillip and Macedon, who when hee would needs over-rule and put downe an excellent Musitian, in an argument touching Musique, was well answered by him againe, God forbid Sir (saith hee) that your for tune should be so bad, as to know these things better than I; It pleased God likewise to use the curiositie of this Emperour, as an inducement to the peace of his Church in those dayes: for having Christ in veneration, not as a God or Saviour, but as a wonder or noveltie: and having his picture in his Gallerie, matched with Apollon jus (with whom in his vaine imagination, he thought he had some conformitie) yet it served the turne to allay the bitter hatred of those times against the Christian name: so as the Church had peace during his time, and for his governement civile, although he did not attaine to that of Traians, in glorie of Armes, or perfection of Justice: yet in deserving of the weale of the Subject, he did exceede him. For Traiane erected many famous monuments and buildings, insomuch as Constantine the Great, in emulation was woont to call him Parietaria, Wall flower, because his name was uppon so many walles: but his buildings and workes were more of glorie and tryumph, than use and necessitie: But Adrian spent his whole Raigne, which was peaceable in a perambulation, or Survey of the Romane Empire, giving order and making assignation, where he went for reedifying of Cities, Townes, and Forts decayed: and for cutting of Rivers, and streames: and for making Bridges and passages, and for pollicing of Cities, and Commonalties, with new ordinances and constitutions: and graunting new Franchises and incorporations: so that his whole time was a very restauration of all the lapses and decayes of former times.

Antonius Pius, who succeeded him, was a Prince excellently learned; and had rhe Patient and subtile witte of a Schoole man: insomuch as in common speech, (which leaves no vertue untaxed) hee was called Cymini Sector, a carver, or a divider of Comine seede, which is one of the least seedes: such a patience hee had and setled spirite, to enter into the least and most exact differences of causes: a fruit no doubt of the exceeding tranquillitie, and serenitie of his minde: which being no wayes charged or incombred, either with feares, remorses, or scruples, but having been noted for a man of the purest goodnesse without all fiction or affectation, that hath raigned or lived: made his minde contitinually present and entier: he likewise approached a degree neerer unto Christianitie, and became as Agrippa sayd unto S. Paule, Halfe a Christian; holding their Religion and Law in good opinion: and not only ceasing persecution, but giving way to the advancement of Christians.

There succeeded him the first Divi fratres, the two adoptive brethren, Lucius Commodus Verus, Sonne to Elius Verus, who delighted much in the softer kind of learning: and was wont to call the Poet Martiall his Virgill: and Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, whereof the later, who obscured his colleague, and survived him long, was named the Philosopher: who as he excelled all the rest in learning, so he excelled them likewise in perfection of all royall vertues: insomuch as Julianus the Emperor in his booke intituled, Cæsares, being as a Pasquill or Satyre, to deride all his Predecessors, fayned that they were all invited to a banquet of the Gods, and Sylenus the Jester sate at the neather end of the table, and bestowed a scoffe on everie one as they came in, but when Marcus Philosophus came in, Sylenus was gravelled, and out of countenance, not knowing where to carpe at him, save at the last, he gave a glaunce at his patience towards his wife. And the vertue of this Prince continued with that of his Predecessor made the name of Antoninus so sacred in the world, that though it were extreamely dishonoured in Commodus, Carocolla, and Hæliogabalus, who all bare the name, yet when Alexander Severus refused the name, because he was a stranger to the familie, the Senate with one acclamation sayd, Quomodo Augustus sic & Antoninus. In such renowne and veneration, was the name of these two Princes in those dayes, that they would have had it as a perpetuall addition in all the Emperours stile. In this Emperours time also, the Church for the most part was in peace, so as in this sequence of sixe Princes, we doe see the blessed effects of Learning in soveraigntie, painted forth in the greatest Table of world.

But for a Tablet or picture of smaller volume (not presuming to speake of your Majestie that liveth) in my judgement the most excellent, is that of Queene Elizabeth, your immediate Predecessor in this part of Brittaine, a Prince, that if Plutarch were now alive to write lynes by parallells, would trouble him I thinke, to find for her a parallell amongst women. This Ladie was endued with learning in her sexe singuler; and grace even amongst masculine Princes: whether we speake of Learning, of Language, or of science, moderne, or ancient: Divinitie or Humanitie. And unto the verie last yeare of her life, she accustomed to appoint set houres for reading, scarcely any young Student in an Universitie, more dayly, or more duly. As for the governement, I assure my selfe, I shall not exceed, if I doe affirme, that this part of the Iland, never had 45. yeres of better times; and yet not through the calmnesse of the season; but through the wisedom of her regiment. For if there be considered of the one side, the truth of Religion established; the constant peace and securitie: the good administration of Justice, the temperate use of the prerogative, not slackened, nor much strayned: the flourishing state of Learning, sortable to so excellent a Patronesse; the convenient estate of wealth and meanes, both of Crowne and subject: the habite of obedience, and the moderation of discontents: and there be considered on the other side, the differences of Religion, the troubles of Neighbour Countreys, the ambition of Spaine, and opposition of Rome, and then, that shee was solitary, and of her selfe: these things I say considered: as I could not have chosen an instance so recent and so proper: so, I suppose, I could not have chosen one more remarqueable, or eminent, to the purpose nowe in hand; which is concerning the conjunction of learning in the Prince, with felicitie in the people.

Neither hath Learning an influence and operation onely upon civile merit and morall vertue; and the Arts or temperature of peace, and peaceable governement; but likewise it hath no lesse power and efficacie in inablement towards martiall and militarie vertue and prowesse; as may be notably represented in the examples of Alexander the Great, and Cæsar the Dictator mentioned before, but now in fit place to bee resumed, of whose vertues and Acts in warre, there needes no note or recitall, having beene the wonders of time in that kind. But of their affections towardes learning, and perfections in learning, it is pertinent to say somewhat.

Alexander was bred and taught under Aristotle the great Philosopher; who dedicated divers of his Bookes of Philosophie unto him; he was attended with Callisthenes, and divers other learned persons, that followed him in Campe, throughout his Journeyes and Conquests: what price and estimation hee had learning in, doth notably appeare in these three particulars: First, in the envie he used to expresse, that he bare towards Achilles, in this, that he had so good a Trumpet of his prayses as Homers verses: Secondly, in the judgement or solution he gave touching that precious Cabinet of Darius which was found among his Jewels, whereof question was made, what thing was worthy to be put into it, and he gave his opinion for Homers workes. Thirdly, in his letter to Aristotle after hee had set forth his Bookes of Nature; wherein he expostulateth with him for publishing the secrets or misteries of Philosophie, and gave him to understand that himselfe esteemed it more to excell other men in learning & knowledge, than in power and Empire. And what use he had of learning, doth appeare, or tather shine in all his speeches and answeres, being full of science and use of science, and that in all varietie.

And herein againe, it may seeme a thing scholasticall, and somewhat idle to recite things that every man knoweth; but yet, since the argument I handle leadeth mee thereunto, I am glad that men shall perceive I am as willing to flatter (if they will so call it) an Alexander, or a Cæsar, or an Antoninus, that are dead many hundreth yeeres since, as any that now liveth: for it is the displaying of the glorie of Learning in Soveraigntie that I propound to my selfe, and not an humour of declayming in any mans praises. Observe then the speech hee used of Diogenes, and see if it tend not to the true state of one of the greatest questions of morall Philosophie; whether the enjoying of outward thinges, or the contemning of them be the greatest happinesse; for when he saw Diogenes so perfectly contented with so little: he sayd to those that mocked at his condition: Were I not Alexander, I would wish to be Diogenes. But Seneca inverteth it, and sayth; Plus erat, quod hic nollet accipere, quam quod ille posset dare. There were more things which Diogenes would have refused, than those were which Alexander could have given or enjoyed.

Observe again that speech which was usuall with him, That hee felt his mortality chiefely in two thinges, Sleepe & Lust: & see if it were not a speech extracted out of the depth of naturall Philosophie, and liker to have comen out of the mouth of Aristotle, or Democritus, than from Alexander.

See againe that speech of Humanitie and poesie: when uppon the bleeding of his wounds, he called unto him one of his flatterers, that was wont to ascribe to him divine honor, and said, Looke, this is very blood: this is not such a liquor as Homer speaketh of, which ran from Venus hand, when it was pierced by Diomedes.

See likewise his readinesse in reprehension of Logique, in the speech hee used to Cassander, uppon a complaint that was made against his Father Antipater: for when Alexander happed to say: Doe you thinke these men would have come from so farre to complaine, except they had just cause of griefe? and Cassander answered, Yea, that was the matter, because they thought they should not be disprooved; sayd Alexander laughing: See the subtilties of Aristotle, to take a matter both wayes, Pro & Contra, &c.

But note againe how well he could use the same Art, which hee reprehended to serve his owne humor, when bearing a secret grudge to Callisthenes, because he was against the new ceremonie of his adoration: feasting one night, where the same Callisthenes was at the table: it was mooved by some after supper, for entertainement sake, that Callisthenes who was an eloquent man, might speake of some theame or purpose at his owne choise, which Callisthenes did; chusing the praise of the Macedonian Nation for his discourse, & performing the same with so good maner, as the hearers were much ravished: wherupon Alexander nothing pleased, sayd: It was easie to be eloquent, upon so good a subject: But saith hee, Turne your stile, and let us heare what you can say against us: which Callisthenes presently undertooke, and did with that stinge & life; that Alexander interrupted him, & sayd: The goodnesse of the cause made him eloquent before: and dispigh t made him eloquent then againe.

Consider further, for tropes of Rhetorique, that excellent use of a Metaphor or translation, wherewith he taxed Antipater, who was an imperious and tyrannous Governor: for when one of Antipaters friends commended him to Alexander for his moderation; that he did not degenerate, as his other Lieftenants did into the Persian pride, in use of purple; but kept the ancient habit of Macedon, of black; True (saith Alexander) but Antipater is all purple within. Or that other, when Parmenio came to him in the plaine of Arbella, and shewed him the innumerable multitude of his enemies, specially as they appeared by the infinite number of lights; as it had beene a new firmament of starres; and thereupon advised him to assayle them by night; whereupon he answered, That he would not steale the Victorie.

For matter of policie, weigh that significant distinction so much in al ages embraced, that he made between his two friends Ephestion and Craterus, when he sayd, That the one loved Alexander, and the other loved the King; describing the principall difference of Princes best servants, that some in affection love their person, and other in dutie love their crowne.

Weigh also that excellent taxation of an Errour ordinarie with Counsellors of Princes, that they counsell their Maisters according to the modell of their owne mind and fortune, and not of their Masters, when upon Darius great offers Parmenio had said: Surely, I would accept these offers were I as Alexander: sayth Alexander, So would I, were I as Parmenio.

Lastly, weigh that quicke and acute reply, which he made when he gave so large gifts to his friends, & servants, and was asked what he did reserve for himselfe, and he answered, Hope: Weigh I say, whether he had not cast up his account aright, because Hope must bee the portion of all that resolve uppon great enterprises. For this was Cæsars portion, when he went first into Gaule, his estate being then utterly overthrowne with Largesses: And this was likewise the portion of that noble Prince, howsoever transported with ambition, Henry Duke of Guise, of whom it was usually sayd: that he was the greatest Usurer in Fraunce, because he had turned all his estate into obligations.

To conclude therefore, as certaine Critiques are used to say hyperbolically: That if all Sciences were lost, they might bee found in Virgill: So certainely this may be sayd truely; there are the prints, and footesteps of learning in those fewe speeches, which are reported of this Prince. The admiration of whom, when I consider him, not as Alexander the Great, but as Aristotles Scholler, hath carryed me too farre.

As for Julius Cæsar, the excellencie of his learning, needeth not to be argued from his education, or his companie, or his speeches: but in a further degree doth declare it selfe in his writinges and workes, whereof some are extant, and permanent, and some unfortunately perished: For, first we see there is left unto us that excellent Historie of his owne warres, which he entituled onely a Commentarie, wherin all succeeding times have admired the solide weight of matter, and the reall passages, and lively Images of actions, and persons expressed in the greatest proprietie of words, and perspicuitie of Narration that ever was: which that it was not the effect of a naturall guift, but of learning and precept, is well witnessed by that worke of his, entituled De Analogia, being a grammaticall Philosophie, wherein hee did labour to make this same Vox ad placitum, to become Vox ad licitum: and to reduce custome of speech, to congruitie of speech, and tooke as it were the pictures of wordes, from the life of reason.

So wee receive from him as a Monument, both of his power and learning, the then reformed computation of the yeare, well expressing, that he tooke it to be as great a glorie to himselfe, to observe and know the law of the heavens, as to give law to men upon the earth.

So likewise in that booke of his Anticato, it may easily appeare that he did aspire as well to victorie of of wit, as victory of warre: undertaking therein a conflict against the greatest Champion with the pen that then lived, Cicero the Orator.

So againe in his Booke of Apothegmes, which he collected, we see that he esteemed it more honour to make himselfe, but a paire of Tables, to take the wise and pithy words of others, than to have every word of his owne to be made an Apothegme, or an Oracle; as vaine Princes, by custome of flatterie, pretend to doe. And yet if I should enumerate divers of his speeches; as I did those of Alexander, they are truely such as Salomon noteth, when hee sayth; Verba sapientum tanquam aculei, & tanquam clavi in altum defixi; whereof I will only recite three, not so delectable for elegancie, but admirable for vigor and efficacie.

As first, it is reason hee bee thought a Master of words, that could with one word appease a mutinie in his Armie; which was thus. The Romanes when their Generals did speake to their Armie, did use the word Milites; but when the Magistrates spake to the people, they did use the word, Quirites: The Souldiers were in tumult, and seditiously prayed to bee cassiered: not that they so meant, but by expostulation thereof, to drawe Cæsar to other Conditions; wherein hee being resolute, not to give way, after some silence, hee beganne his speech, Ego Quirites, which did admit them alreadie cassiered; wherewith they were so surprised, crossed, and confused, as they would not suffer him to goe on in his speech, but relinquished their demaunds, and made it their suit, to be againe called be the name of Milites.

The second speech was thus: Cæsar did extreamly affect the name of King; and some were set on as he passed by, in popular acclamation to salute him king; whereupon finding the crie weake and poore; he put it off thus, in a kind of Jest, as if they had mistaken his surname; Non Rex sum, sed Cæsar, a speech, that if it be searched, the life and fulnesse of it, can scarce be expressed: For first it was a refusall of the name, but yet not serious: againe it did signifie an infinite confidence and magnanimitie, as if he presumed Cæsar was the greater title; as by his worthinesse, it is come to passe till this day: but chiefely, it was a speech of great allurement toward his owne purpose: as if the State did strive with him, but for a name; whereof meane families were vested: for Rex was a surname with the Romanes, aswell as King is with us.

The last speech, which I will mention, was used to Metellus: when Cæsar, after warre declared, did possesse himselfe of the Citie of Rome, at which time entring into the inner treasurie, to take the the monney there accumulate, Metellus being Tribune forbad him: whereto Cæsar sayd, That if hee did not desist, hee would laye him dead in the place: And presently taking himselfe up, hee added: Young man it is harder for me to speake it, than to doe it; Adolescens, durius est mihi, hoc dicere, quàm facere. A speech compounded of the greatest terrour, and greatest clemencie, that could proceede out of the mouth of man.

But to returne and conclude with him, it is evident himselfe knewe well his owne perfection in learning, and tooke it upon him; as appeared, when upon occasion, that some spake, what a strange resolution it was in Lucius Sylla, to resigne his Dictature; he scoffing at him, to his owne advantage, answered; That Sylla could not skill of Letters, and therefore knew not how to Dictate.

And here it were fit to leave this point, touching the concurrence of militarie vertue and learning; (for what example should come with any grace, after those two, of Alexander and Cæsar) were it not in regard of the rarenesse of circumstance, that I finde in one other particular; as that which did so sodenly passe, from extreame scorne, to extreame wonder: and it is of Xenophon the Philosopher, who went from Socrates Schoole into Asia, in the expedition of Cyrus the younger, against King Artaxerxes: This Xenophon at that time, was verie yong, and never had seene the Warres before: neither had any commaund in the Armie, but onely followed the Warre, as a voluntarie, for the love and conversation of Proxenus his friend: hee was present when Falinus came in Message from the great King, to the Grecians; after that Cyrus was slaine in the field; and they a handfull of men left to themselves in the middest of the Kings Territories, cut off from their Country by many navigable Rivers, and many hundred miles: The Message imported, that they should deliver up their Armes, and submit themselves to the Kings mercy: To which Message before answere was made, divers of the Army conferred familiarly with Falinus; and amongst the rest Xenophon happened to say: Why Falinus, we have now but these two thinges left; our Armes, and our Vertue: and if we yeeld up our Armes, how shall we make use of our Vertue? Whereto Falinus smiling on him, sayd; If I be not deceived, young Gentleman, you are an Athenian; and I beleeve, you studie Philosophie, and it is pretty that you say; but you are much abused, if you thinke your vertue can withstand the Kings power: Here was the scorne; the wonder followed; which was, that this young Scholler, or Philosopher, after all the Captaines were murthered in parlye by treason, conducted those ten Thousand foote, through the heart of all the Kinges high Countreys from Babilon to Grecia in safetie, in despight of all the Kings forces, to the astonishment of the world, and the encouragement of the Grecians in times succeeding to make invasion upon the Kings of Persia; as was after purposed by Jason the Thessalian; attempted by Agesilaus the Spartan, and atchieved by Alexander the Macedonian; all, upon the ground of the Act of that young Scholler.